ANN Politics

So yesterday, the National Peace Committee, headed by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, organized a Peace Accord ceremony for the Presidential candidates ahead of the 2027 elections.

And guess what?

Peter Obi is the only major Presidential contestants that attended in person.

Neither Atiku Abubakar nor President Tinubu attended.

Does that mean that they do not guarantee that there will be peace ahead of the elections?

That aside, I feel like the Presidential Peace Accord is one of the most useless exercises being carried out during Nigeria’s elections.

Why?

Because it is a peace accord that lacks enforceability and commitment.

At the end of the day, after signing the agreement, it has never stopped those who wish to rig elections or incite violence from doing so.

Neither can you enforce the provisions of the agreement in court.

So, what exactly is the reason for such an accord?

To me, I feel like it was just an idea created by General Abdulsalami Abubakar and Bishop Matthew Kukah as a retirement plan to continue to remain relevant to the system and nothing more.

I am Ekene Aninze, Esq.

ANN Politics

Ojudu Demands Answers as N96bn Akure-Ado Dual Carriageway Vanishes into Single Lane

Former Senator queries FG over abandoned project, challenges Umahi to explain ‘quiet substitution’

Former Senator representing Ekiti Central Senatorial District, Babafemi Ojudu, has demanded urgent explanations from the Federal Government over the fate of the Akure-Ado Ekiti dual carriageway project, questioning why a project approved and funded as a dual carriageway now appears to have produced only one rehabilitated carriageway.

Ojudu, in a statement posted on his verified social media handle on Tuesday titled “What happened to the Akure–Ado-Ekiti dual carriageway,” said residents of Ondo and Ekiti states had initially welcomed the award of the reconstruction and dualisation contract, particularly after contractors mobilised to site, cleared the route for a second carriageway and commenced work on bridges and other structures designed for a dual carriageway.

“But what has ultimately been delivered? One rehabilitated carriageway,” he said, expressing concern that heavy construction equipment had disappeared and work sites had gone quiet, leaving behind bridges and earthworks apparently prepared for a dual carriageway.

Tracing the troubled history of the project, Ojudu recalled that the original contract, reportedly valued at about N30 billion, was awarded to Dantata & Sawoe in November 2019 before it was later cancelled. He noted that on March 29, 2023, the Federal Executive Council approved the re-award of the project as a 50-kilometre dualisation project for approximately N95.98 billion, with the project formally flagged off in May 2023.

According to Ojudu, the Akure–Ondo State boundary section was awarded jointly to Samchase Nigeria Limited and Horizon Construction Company Limited for N46.68 billion, with a 24-month completion period, while the section from the Ekiti boundary towards Ado-Ekiti was awarded to Kopek Construction Limited for N49.29 billion, with a 30-month completion period.

Against this backdrop, Ojudu challenged the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, to explain whether the original contract for a dual carriageway had subsequently been revised to a single carriageway.

“If so, who authorised the change, when was it approved, and why were the people not informed?” he asked, while also demanding clarification on whether the contract sum had been reviewed and how much had been released to each contractor.

He further questioned why bridges and other structures were constructed to accommodate a dual carriageway if only one carriageway was ultimately intended for delivery.

“Have the contractors formally withdrawn from the site, or is the disappearance of their equipment merely temporary?” Ojudu asked, demanding to know the percentage of the project completed and when work on the second carriageway would resume.

Most importantly, he challenged the Federal Government to state whether it still intends to deliver the dual carriageway for which nearly N96 billion was approved.

“Minister Umahi, this road is too important to the economic and social life of Ondo and Ekiti states to disappear into the familiar fog of abandoned contracts, altered specifications and official silence,” he said.

Ojudu insisted that a refurbished single carriageway could not simply be substituted for a dual carriageway without an explanation, stressing that the people deserved to know “what was awarded, what has been paid for, what has been delivered and what became of the rest of the project”.

Efforts to obtain the Works Ministry’s response were unsuccessful, as the Director of Information and Public Relations, Mohammed Ahmed, and the Senior Special Assistant to the Minister of Works on Media, Francis Nwaze, did not respond to enquiries from journalists.

ANN Politics

You Can't Be Supporting Tinubu and Lecturing Us on Corruption

By Mohammed Bello Doka
August 19,2026.

How can a man who spends his days in American courtrooms fighting to keep his past shrouded in darkness turn around and lecture Nigerians on the virtues of transparency and accountability? How can those who surround him—men with their own sordid histories of corruption allegations, unexplained wealth, and documented complicity in grand larceny—stand before the Nigerian people and preach integrity? How can Tinubu's supporters, who scream to high heaven claiming they care about corruption, look themselves in the mirror and reconcile their righteous indignation with their unwavering loyalty to a leader whose entire political career is a monument to unanswered questions?

The hypocrisy is breathtaking. And it is time we called it what it is.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has once again gone to a United States court to block the release of his drug-related forfeiture records. In 1993, Tinubu forfeited $460,000 to the US government in a civil forfeiture case linked to he**in trafficking. The US Department of Justice alleged that a Nigeria-based he**in network moved drugs to Chicago, with proceeds deposited into accounts linked to Tinubu. He was never criminally convicted—let us be precise about that. But the civil settlement speaks for itself. Now, more than three decades later, Tinubu is spending legal resources to keep those records buried. He has joined the Department of Justice's bid to delay a Freedom of Information Act disclosure that would shed light on that investigation. If there is nothing to hide, why is he fighting so hard to keep the truth from seeing the light of day? Why does a man who demands transparency from opponents invest so heavily in obscurity abroad?

This is the same man whose vast wealth remains a mystery to the Nigerian people. Tinubu's net worth is estimated between $3 billion and $4.5 billion, yet he has no known public asset declaration record. In December 2024, he said, "I will consider asking the CCB to release my assets." He has not done so. The Financial Times noted that "it does not help that Tinubu's vast wealth is not easy to decipher." The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project named him second runner-up for "2024 Person of the Year in Organised Crime and Corruption." These are not the credentials of a man who should be lecturing anyone on integrity.

Then there is the matter of his academic credentials. The certificate Tinubu submitted to INEC is inconsistent with Chicago State University certificates issued in 1979. A US court ordered CSU to release his academic records during the 2023 election dispute. His National Youth Service Corps discharge certificate has also been called into question. These are not minor discrepancies. These are fundamental questions about the authenticity of the documents that qualified him to lead Africa's most populous nation.

But Tinubu's personal record is only the beginning. Let us examine the men he has chosen to surround himself with—the same men who now lecture Nigerians on fiscal responsibility while their own hands are stained with allegations that would make a seasoned criminal blush.

Consider Femi Gbajabiamila, Tinubu's Chief of Staff. The man who oversees the President's office has been accused of illegally diverting ₦54 billion in oil and gas royalty funds using a "fake law." He has been accused of obtaining a ₦400 million bribe to provide an appointment letter in the now-infamous PFIPC scandal. He was allegedly debarred in the United States for stealing $25,000 from a client in Georgia. The ICPC has questioned him, but no comprehensive public investigation has been announced. This is not accountability. This is a whitewash.

Consider Godswill Akpabio, the Senate President. The man who presides over the National Assembly has been accused of shielding the NNPC from scrutiny due to his daughter's employment there without a regular interview process. He was invited by the House over alleged ₦40 billion in irregular expenditures by the NDDC. SERAP has sued him for failing to investigate claims that lawmakers pay ₦1 million to ₦3 million to introduce bills. These are not minor infractions. These are systemic rot manifesting at the highest levels of government. And yet, Akpabio remains in his position, untouched by any meaningful investigation.

Consider Abubakar Bagudu, the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning. The US Department of Justice alleged Bagudu played an "instrumental role" in Sani Abacha's plundering of billions from Nigeria. He spent six months in a US jail awaiting extradition. The Pandora Papers revealed that from 2010, a London law firm helped Bagudu and his brother transfer 98 million euros—about $120 million—from an offshore trust. In 2018, the Buhari administration agreed to pay Bagudu $110 million from recovered Abacha loot for his "peaceful enjoyment." Let that sink in. A man accused of helping steal billions was paid over a hundred million dollars to enjoy his stolen wealth peacefully. And Tinubu appointed him Minister of Budget and Economic Planning. Transparency International slammed the nomination. The US government's human rights report noted that Tinubu appointed Bagudu "despite Bagudu's widely reported history of helping then-President Sani Abacha steal hundreds of millions of dollars."

And let us not forget Tinubu's relationship with the Chagoury family. The Chagourys—Gilbert and Ronald—are Lebanese-Nigerian billionaire businessmen who have long been associated with Tinubu. In 2016, the Chagourys pleaded guilty in a US court to laundering money for the late Sani Abacha, admitting to conspiring to move millions from the Abacha regime's looted funds. They agreed to forfeit $27.5 million and were placed on probation. Despite this sordid history, the Chagourys remain close to Tinubu. They have reportedly financed his political campaigns and continue to enjoy access to the highest levels of his administration. In 2024, the Chagoury Group secured multi-billion-naira contracts from the Tinubu administration. How does a man who claims to fight corruption surround himself with individuals convicted of money laundering? How does he justify awarding contracts to associates with such a notorious past?

These are the men Tinubu trusts to run Nigeria. These are the men who lecture us on fiscal responsibility while their own records read like a criminal encyclopedia.

But the corruption does not end with individuals. Under Tinubu's watch, the fake Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council—a completely fictitious government agency with no legal basis—operated with an office in the Federal Secretariat, civil servants assigned to it, and a website on the official ".gov.ng" domain. It secured a ₦1.3 billion budget allocation in the 2026 Appropriation Act. Its director won approval to hire over 300 staff. How does a phantom agency pe*****te the nation's budget without insider collaboration? President Tinubu ordered the ICPC to investigate. But who within his circle is responsible? The police have launched a manhunt for the agency's director, but the deeper questions remain unanswered.

The National Assembly, under Tinubu's watch, inserted 11,122 dubious projects worth ₦6.93 trillion into the 2025 budget. A Federal High Court in Lagos declared the National Assembly's ₦110 billion expenditure on vehicles and lawmakers' allowances unlawful—₦40 billion for 465 vehicles at about ₦86 million each, and ₦70 billion in "support allowances" for newly elected members. The court ruled the spending breached the Public Procurement Act and involved self-dealing and conflict of interest. No one has been investigated. No one has been prosecuted. The money is gone, and the Nigerian people are left to wonder who exactly is minding the store.

Minister Betta Edu was suspended over the alleged diversion of N585 million in public funds into a private bank account. A separate scandal involved N37 billion in fraud under the National Social Investment Programme Agency, which falls under her ministry. She was suspended, but what has happened since? Where is the prosecution? Where is the recovery of funds? Where is the accountability?

And yet, despite this litany of corruption allegations, Tinubu's supporters continue to scream to high heaven claiming they care about corruption. They point fingers at opposition figures. They demand investigations into their political opponents. They lecture the nation on integrity. But when the spotlight turns to their own leader, they retreat to a familiar defensive posture: "It did not begin with Tinubu." They acknowledge the severity of the country's condition—widespread poverty, rising insecurity, eroding purchasing power—but fail to understand why anyone would conclude that the government has failed. They can perceive the crisis but cannot comprehend why it should be attributed to the current administration. They can see the darkness but cannot understand why the man holding the torch is being blamed for the absence of light.

There are two syndromes that define this administration and its defenders. The first is Chronic Bwala Syndrome—a condition characterized by the shameless maintenance of irreconcilable public positions, habitual denial of documented facts, and refusal to accept responsibility despite overwhelming evidence of contradiction. The sufferer holds contradictory positions simultaneously, denies previous statements despite recorded evidence, refuses to acknowledge errors, persists in falsehoods even when publicly disproved, and prioritizes political convenience over consistency and accountability. It is contradiction without conscience.

The second is Comprehension Deficiency Syndrome—a paradoxical condition in which the sufferer acknowledges the severity of the country's condition but fails to understand why anyone would conclude that the government has failed. They look at 139 million Nigerians in poverty and agree it is a crisis. They look at 30 million facing hunger and express appropriate horror. They look at 4,654 violent deaths and shake their heads in dismay. But when the conversation turns to accountability, they retreat to defense. They can perceive the crisis but cannot comprehend why it should be attributed to the current administration. They can see the darkness but cannot understand why the man holding the torch is being blamed for the absence of light.

These two syndromes are frequently comorbid. A Chronic Bwala Syndrome sufferer denies reality because it is politically convenient. A Comprehension Deficiency Syndrome sufferer acknowledges reality but denies the implications because they cannot separate the crisis from their loyalty to the administration. Together, they form a perfect political pathology: a leader who contradicts evidence surrounded by supporters who accept the evidence but refuse to connect it to the leadership.

To be a Tinubu supporter in 2026, one must suffer from both syndromes simultaneously. You must look at a man who forfeited $460,000 in a drug-related case and see a reformer. You must look at a man of unexplained billions with no asset declaration and see transparency. You must look at a Chief of Staff accused of diverting ₦54 billion and see integrity. You must look at a Senate President accused of shielding the NNPC and see accountability. You must look at a Minister implicated in the Abacha loot and see fiscal responsibility. You must look at the Chagourys—men convicted of laundering Abacha's loot—and see legitimate business partners. You must look at a fake government agency stealing ₦1.3 billion and see a minor administrative oversight. You must look at ₦110 billion illegally spent by the National Assembly and see prudent management. You must look at a nation where 139 million people live on less than $3 a day and see economic success.

You cannot demand transparency from opponents while supporting a leader who invests so heavily in keeping his own history obscured. You cannot lecture the nation on corruption while surrounding yourself with individuals whose own corruption allegations read like a criminal encyclopedia. You cannot claim to care about the rule of law while fighting tooth and nail to keep American courts from revealing your past. You cannot scream to high heaven about integrity while sitting comfortably in a villa built on a foundation of unanswered questions.

The nation is bleeding. The data is irrefutable. The hypocrisy is unmistakable. And we are left to wonder: in a country where the leadership suffers from Chronic Bwala Syndrome and the supporters suffer from Comprehension Deficiency Syndrome, who exactly is left to see the light?

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]

Abuja Network News

Southern Power Shift & Opposition Unity: Should Atiku Repeat El-Rufai's 2023 Mistake?

by Mohammed Bello Doka
August 18, 2026.

The Greek philosopher Aristotle once observed, "At his best, man is the noblest of all animals; separated from law and justice, he is the worst." In the Nigerian political jungle of 2026, few spectacles illustrate this truth more vividly than the trials of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai—a man who, in the grand Shakespearean tragedy of our national life, played Brutus to a Caesar he helped crown, only to find himself cast into the very abyss he once cleared for another.

As the 2027 presidential election looms, a deafening chorus from the Southern political elite urges former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to step aside for a Southern candidate. Their refrain is simple: power must shift to the South to complete its "quota" eight-year tenure. Yet, as the cautionary tale of El-Rufai unfolds in detention cells and courtrooms across Abuja, one question demands an answer with the urgency of a nation at a crossroads: Should Atiku repeat the El-Rufai 2023 mistake?

Let us be clear about what that mistake was. El-Rufai, a founding father of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and a trusted lieutenant to President Muhammadu Buhari, made a political calculation in 2023. Approached by Islamic stakeholders from the South-West who desired a Muslim presidential candidate from the region, El-Rufai threw his considerable weight behind Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He knew the unwritten understanding: after eight years of Buhari, power would return to the South. "It wasn't about Tinubu," El-Rufai later confessed. "He was merely an accidental beneficiary" . El-Rufai supported Tinubu not out of friendship—he insists "I was never Tinubu's friend" —but out of loyalty to his party and a principle he professed: "to fight for the candidate of my party in every election, whether I like the candidate or not" .

What did this principled loyalty earn him? The Senate withheld his ministerial confirmation in August 2023, citing security reports from the Department of State Services (DSS). But El-Rufai himself has lifted the veil on the true architect of his humiliation. "Please, don't believe the story that the National Assembly rejected me," he declared. "The President didn't want me in his cabinet, so he changed his mind" . Tinubu had publicly appealed to him, begged him to put his post-governorship plans on hold, dangled the challenge of defeating Nigeria's electricity mafia—only to discard him like a spent cartridge. The nomination was a promise; the rejection was a betrayal.

Today, El-Rufai's tribulations have escalated from political rejection to what many describe as state-sponsored persecution. He faces multiple legal battles—allegations of money laundering, diversion of public funds, and the unlawful interception of the National Security Adviser's phone communications. The Federal High Court granted him N100 million bail, yet he remains in custody because he has allegedly been unable to meet bail conditions—conditions so punitive that Paul Ibe, Atiku's media aide, has condemned them as designed "to keep him perpetually in detention" . The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused President Tinubu of using state institutions to silence opposition, alleging that El-Rufai is being held to prevent him from strengthening the opposition ahead of 2027. "The desire and intentions of this government," ADC National Publicity Secretary Bolaji Abdullahi warned, "is to continue to hold El-Rufai to ensure that he does not participate in this election" . El-Rufai's family has raised alarms about denied access to personal doctors despite court orders. His wife, Hasiat, has spoken of living "in constant fear," with threats of raids and surveillance a daily reality.

And what of the Southern political elite during this ordeal? The silence has been deafening—except when broken by complicity. Some Southwest supporters have ventured into the realm of the grotesque, comparing El-Rufai's plight to "redemption for the death of Abiola" . The logic, if it can be called that, suggests that MKO Abiola's martyrdom should be avenged by El-Rufai's destruction. This is not justice; it is bloodlust dressed in political robes. As the Roman philosopher Seneca warned, "It is not the man who has too little, but the man who craves more, that is poor." The Southern elite craves power so desperately that it would sanctify the persecution of a Northern Muslim who once served their ambition, all while ignoring the glaring hypocrisy of their own selective memory.

For let us not pretend the South has been a paragon of zoning virtue. From 1999 to 2007, President Olusegun Obasanjo, a Southerner, jettisoned zoning entirely in his quest for a third term. Atiku Abubakar, then Vice President, fought him on that very principle. When Goodluck Jonathan, a Southerner, completed the late Umaru Yar'Adua's tenure and contested in 2011, he too ran against the zoning principles that had brought him to power. The South has a well-documented record of wielding zoning as a convenient weapon—embraced when it serves ambition, discarded when it obstructs it. To now demand that Atiku, a Northerner, step aside on the altar of "Southern completion" is the height of political audacity.

The Southern elite, their media establishment, and their sponsored "data boys" have shown their true colors in the El-Rufai affair. They have openly advocated that he be allowed to "die in prison" —as if state-sponsored death were a legitimate tool of political settlement. This is the same elite that now lectures the nation on fairness and rotation. This is the same establishment that, by its silence, has condoned the weaponization of anti-corruption agencies against a political opponent. The Nigerian philosopher and legal scholar Professor Akintola once observed that when the instruments of justice are deployed for vengeance rather than truth, the entire social contract unravels. We are watching that unraveling in real time.

Having witnessed all this—the betrayal, the persecution, the gleeful complicity of those now pleading for Southern power—does anyone in their right mind think Atiku should repeat El-Rufai's 2023 mistake? El-Rufai trusted a Southern politician's promise and was cast into the wilderness. He delivered a Southern presidency and received detention, humiliation, and a health crisis in custody. Atiku would be a fool to believe that the same Southern political class that feasts on El-Rufai's suffering would treat him any differently.

It is, therefore, not merely in Atiku's interest but in the broader interest of the Northern political establishment for him to run in 2027. The North cannot afford to repeat the error of El-Rufai—the error of trusting that Southern promises are backed by Southern honor. Power, as Machiavelli wrote, "is the pivot on which everything turns." The North has the demographic weight, the political infrastructure, and the historical precedent to contend for the presidency. To step aside now would be to surrender leverage that may never return.

Moreover, the argument that Atiku should step down for a Southern candidate—worse still, for Peter Obi—rests on a foundation of hypocrisy so glaring it cannot be ignored. If the South argues that power must rotate to complete its eight-year "quota," then by the same logic, the North is entitled to its own eight-year quota after Buhari's tenure. The South cannot have it both ways: demanding rotation when it favors them, abandoning it when it does not. The worst that can happen is for Atiku to lose. But even in defeat, the North will have made its point: power will not remain in the South forever. It will return to the North, as surely as the tide returns to the shore.

The Roman historian Tacitus wrote, "The more corrupt the state, the more numerous the laws." Nigeria today is drowning in laws deployed not for justice but for persecution. El-Rufai's ordeal is not merely his personal tragedy; it is a warning to every Northern politician who would place his trust in Southern promises. Atiku must heed that warning. He must run. He must contest. He must not repeat the mistake of El-Rufai—the mistake of believing that the hand that crowns you today will not crush you tomorrow.

For in the end, as the Greek tragedian Aeschylus reminds us, "In the lack of judgment, great is the ruin." Atiku's judgment must be clear: the South has shown its hand in the El-Rufai affair, and it is a hand stained with betrayal. To step aside now would be to walk willingly into the same trap that has ensnared El-Rufai. The North must stand firm. The North must contest. And the North must remember: the Southern political elite does not reward those who deliver power—it consumes them.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]

Abuja Network News

Atiku Abubakar And Obasanjo’s Politics Of Animosity And Blackmail

By Hajia Hadiza Mohammed

For close to two decades now after leaving office as the president of the federal republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) has made it a habit in every election period to attack his erstwhile deputy, Atiku Abubakar, the Wazirin Adamawa whom he wants the people to believe is disloyal, corrupt and untrustworthy. And the lies and the campaign of calumny peddled against Atiku has been sustained by the OBJ’s kinsmen, political acolytes and the Yoruba Press. It has been so because Atiku did not invest much in the press or media propaganda neither has he given the OBJ’s allegations the required riposte but bore it all with equanimity.

When Obasanjo is not saying Atiku is corrupt, he will declare that he made a mistake for picking Atiku as his running mate or that God will not forgive him if he had handed power over to Atiku. But, it is clear to everyone that the OBJ’s attack on Atiku is based on personal vendetta rather than fact.

First OBJ wanted blind loyalty from his deputy who was jointly elected with him. But Atiku was not a lame duck vice-president. He knew his rights and mandate as the number two citizen of the country. And he won several landmark legal victories to establish that the vice-president’s loyalty is primarily to the constitution and not the president. The relationship between OBJ and Atiku finally collapsed during their second term, due mainly to Obasanjo’s controversial “third-term” constitutional amendment agenda, which was aborted because Atiku and other well-meaning Nigerians vehemently opposed it. OBJ was said to have sworn that Atiku will only be president of Nigeria over his dead body. As a result, during the 2007 presidential election, OBJ refused to support Atiku’s candidacy and instead picked Umaru Musa Yar’Adua thereby forcing Atiku to defect to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), a political party controlled by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. OBJ was said to have tried in so many subtle ways including a set-up to trap Atiku but failed and then he declared his office vacant because he defected to another party. Atiku again courageously challenged OBJ in court over the matter and won.

Nigerians who knew the state of affairs in the country in 1999 prior to the general were surprised that OBJ is saying that he regretted picking Atiku as his running mate as if Atiku was a liability without electoral value. When the cult of generals led by IBB edged out Dr. Alex Ekwueme, the leading political figure of that era and handpicked OBJ as the presidential candidate of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999, OBJ was like a political orphan without a political base and without any means to finance the presidential campaign, having just came out of prison. It was then that Atiku who has already won the governorship election in his Adamawa State was recommended for him. Atiku was the major political player in the North being in control of the PDM, one of the legacy political platforms that formed the PDP. So, contrary to the OBJ’s claim, Atiku was a great political asset to Obasanjo. Nigeria news

It is also a fact that OBJ performed very badly in his first term between 1999 and 2003 and as result, the PDP governors led by Chief James Onanefe Ibori of Delta State and Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State were opposed to his second term. It was the same Atiku that convinced the PDP governors to hand OBJ the second-term ticket. What did Atiku got for it? Atiku got betrayed by a man known as a serial betrayer of those that have helped him in the past. It is on record that OBJ betrayed and bullied the founding fathers of the PDP, the platform that made the president of Nigeria and those that bankrolled his presidential campaign.

The major achievement recorded by OBJ during his second tenure had Atiku’s imprint in them. Atiku was the head of the economic team that negotiated Nigeria’s debt exit from the Paris Club. He was instrumental for the establishment of the anti-corruption agencies – the EFCC and ICPC. Some of the young talents that performed creditably well during the Obasanjo era like Nuhu Ribadu and Nasir El-Rufai were from the Atiku’s camp.

The allegation of corruption leveled against Atiku by OBJ cannot be substantiated. Many Nigerians erroneously believed that Atiku mismanaged the Privatization program of the government. As the vice-president, the privatization program was supposed to be handled by Atiku but OBJ hijacked and bypassed Atiku and auctioned our national assets to himself, his kinsmen and his cronies. The Senate Committee Report of 2009 headed by Senator Lawan indicted OBJ and El-Rufai and Irene Chigbue for bypassing Atiku and mishandling the privatization program. Nigeria news

I advise Nigerians to ignore Obasanjo and his antics and his do-or-die politics. Nigerians should ignore Obasanjo and his self-righteous posturing. Obasanjo is more corrupt than any other politician of his era. When you consider what he has acquired now and where he was in 1999 when he had only N20000 in his account, you will understand what I mean. Atiku, on the other hand, was an established business mogul before venturing into partisan politics and was one of the major financiers of the PDP before the emergence of Obasanjo.

As the elections beckon in 2027, we expect a lot of junks and propaganda from political mischief-makers and their media hirelings but I advise that we be vigilant and not be distracted. The focus should be to chase out those that have hijacked the state machinery and foisted misery and hardship on the ordinary citizens and together we will reclaim our country. Long live Nigeria!

Hajia Hadiza Mohammed
[email protected]
An actress, social activist, politician
London, UK

Abuja Network News