Opinion Contested

Is Bhutan moving towards Us vs. Them?

The recent controversy surrounding the Economic Stimulus Plan loan, along with reports of Members of Parliament receiving an additional Nu. 1.5 million on top of their existing Nu. 1 million vehicle quota, has intensified public perceptions of rising populism in Bhutan. Scholars describe populism as an “us versus them” phenomenon, where us refers to ordinary citizens and them refers to elites. It typically emerges when citizens’ expectations clash with the unwillingness or inability of elites and institutions to meet those demands.

Findings from the National Corruption Barometer Survey reinforce this divide, highlighting favoritism and nepotism as the most common forms of corruption, followed closely by the misuse of public resources by institutions. These findings align with the idea of unmet expectations, pointing to a gradual drift toward populist attitudes. Social media reactions to allegations against individuals and institutions further suggest that many Bhutanese increasingly view society through the lens of “the general public versus the elites.”

Interestingly, populism has also shaped political party campaigns in Bhutan. During elections, parties that promise freebies and subsidies tend to win over those that propose more restrained policies. Parties often try to present themselves as breaking down the “us versus them” divide. But this raises an important question: do politicians actually deliver on their pledges?

I regret to say that many people still do not truly understand what “quality” means. I make this statement based on my own experience and interactions with individuals across all levels of their careers.

During my time at the Bhutan Standards Bureau, the National Standards Body of Bhutan, I learned what quality truly means (I must say with conviction that I do not understand exhaustively). However, I observed many people talk about “quality,” but few understand it. To sum it up, quality is built on a scientific and internationally recognised framework called Quality Infrastructure (QI). QI is the backbone of trust in products, services, and systems worldwide. It is made up of three core pillars: standards, metrology, and conformity assessment.

1. Standards are essentially a formula that describes the best way of doing something. It could be about making a product, managing a process, delivering a service.

2. Metrology is the science of measurement, ensuring that every reading, every unit, and every calibration is accurate, reliable, and globally comparable.

3. Conformity assessment is the proof, the structured process of demonstrating that a product, service, or system actually meets the defined standards.

True quality cannot exist without this framework. Yet, throughout my career, I have met people across industries and at all levels who still equate quality with personal preference or brand reputation. I recall one conversation where someone argued that Nike shoes were “better” than Puma, and therefore Nike represented the benchmark for quality. It was a perfect example of how subjective perception can overshadow the science of quality.

And this is where the challenge lies. Achieving real, measurable quality takes time, discipline, and political will. It requires leaders and policy makers to understand that QI is not an opinion. It is a proven, systematic approach to building trust, driving innovation, and ensuring safety and reliability across sectors.

Now, when we say we need quality bridges, building, roads and services, think about Standards, Metrology and Conformity Assessment.

Acknowledgement- The figure is taken out from the article ‘National Quality Infrastructure System and Its Application Progress in Photovoltaic Industry’ written by Sui et al. (2022).

Bhutan Tourism’s Digital Footprint: Missing from Google and Meta Ads.

Out of curiosity, I searched Google for "Department of Tourism, Bhutan", exactly as it appears on the official verified page. To my surprise, the website did not appear in the search results. I then tried enclosing the name in double quotation marks for a more precise search, but it still did not show up. This suggests that the website is either not properly indexed or not optimized for SEO, making Google unable to recognize it as the most relevant source.

I further explored the Meta Ad Library and Google Ads Transparency Center, and surprisingly, the Department of Tourism had not run a single ad on Google or Facebook in the past 90 days. It’s unclear whether any ads were run before that period, as the Meta Ad Library only shows data for the last 90 days.

I searched for ads with the title "Gross National Happiness" and was relieved to find that six ads existed, two of which were created by travel agents in Bhutan. However, when I searched using the new DoT branding "Believe," no ads were found, neither by the Department of Tourism nor by travel agents. For comparison, I looked up branding campaigns like "Incredible India" and "Malaysia Truly Asia", and unsurprisingly, they performed very well.

I am not suggesting that the Department of Tourism must heavily invest in advertising, but even campaigns with a conversion rate below 2% can be profitable.

Note: This is my opinion and I strongly request that it not be taken personally, as it was offered without in-depth analysis.

Sadly, an editorial written by a highly qualified individual (PhD) will likely be swept under the rug. I can’t find anything in it to disagree with.

Recently, the second-hand car market has become so inflated that vehicles are no longer depreciating. Buying a used car now feels more like a capital gain for the sellers. This is largely due to policy shifts that have made car ownership significantly more expensive.

However, the government ends up losing revenue, as the sale price recorded in the deed of transfer for second-hand cars is often underreported. As a result, the taxes paid during ownership transfer are much lower than they should be.

Mobility over machines: A fairer road for Bhutan’s vehicle tax policy Bhutan’s environmental leadership is a source of national pride. We remain carbon-negative, constitutionally committed to forest conservation, and guided by the principle of Gross National Happiness.

Populist Tax Policies to hurt Middle and Lower Income Group: History has told us.

Anyone familiar with Rich Dad Poor Dad by Robert T. Kiyosaki would recognize the argument that the popular belief—“the rich should pay more taxes to support the poor” often fails in reality.

Historically, neither England nor the United States had permanent income taxes; they only imposed temporary levies, such as during wartime. That changed in 1874 when England made income tax permanent. In the U.S., a nation partly founded on opposition to taxation (e.g., the Boston Tea Party), the 16th Amendment introduced a permanent income tax in 1913.

How did these governments get their citizens to accept it? By initially targeting only the wealthy. Ironically, though the tax was meant to burden the rich, over time it ended up affecting the poor and middle class the most, those who had supported it.

The fundamental difference between how the rich and poor handle money lies in this sequence:

*** The rich: Earn → Spend → Pay Taxes
*** The poor: Earn → Pay Taxes → Spend

In this context, the government’s decision to impose a 10% flat tax on fixed deposit (FD) interest seems to repeat historical patterns seen elsewhere. According to government data, only a little over 5% of people have more than 5 million in FDs, while the remaining 95% hold relatively small amounts.

Applying the same 10% tax rate across the board disproportionately impacts the 95% majority. The wealthier 5% have the financial flexibility to withdraw their FDs early and reinvest in higher-return assets like real estate or the stock market. In contrast, the majority lack the capital to invest in appreciating assets like land, and often avoid stocks due to low risk tolerance and limited financial resilience.

The current Tashichho Dzong had several names throughout its history. According to Wikipedia, the original Thimphu Dzong was first known as Do-Ngön Dzong or Blue Stone Dzong, was constructed by Lama Gyalwa Lhanapa. Later, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal took control of the Dzong and renamed it Tashichö Dzong. After a fire, the 16th Desi, Sonam Lhudrup, renovated the structure and renamed it Sonamchö Dzong. Following his death, it was once again renamed Tashichö Dzong.

The photo was taken in the year 2017.

‘Water is fluid, soft, and yielding. But water will wear away rock, which is rigid and cannot yield. As a rule, whatever is fluid, soft, and yielding will overcome whatever is rigid and hard. This is another paradox: what is soft is strong’ - Lao Tzu

Jackie Chan says similar thing to Michael Anthony in the movie ‘Forbidden Kingdom’.

Photo Taken in Chumbu Ney, Paro

Bhutanese Proverb - A Man’s Wisdom isn’t Worn on the Outside like a Tiger’s Stripe.

I have often heard the saying, 'Don't judge a book by its cover.' In Bhutanese, there's a similar expression 'A man's wisdom isn't worn on the outside like a tiger's stripes.' This holds especially true when we encounter a strangers who appears lesser than you. Many might assume the person in the photo looks like a homeless man or a beggar on the street. If you thought the same, perhaps it's time to reconsider how we judge appearances.

The man in the photo is Grigori Perelman, a Russian mathematician. He famously refused a $1 million prize awarded by the Clay Mathematics Institute for solving the Poincaré Conjecture, a problem posed by Henri Poincaré in 1904. This conjecture was one of the most difficult and significant open problems in topology. When offered the prize, Perelman declined, telling Sir John Ball, then President of the International Mathematical Union, that he was uninterested in fame or money. What mattered most to him was the correctness of the proof.

Perelman consistently avoided media attention and steered clear of the spotlight. Throughout his career, Perelman made landmark contributions to Riemannian geometry, Aleksandrov geometry, and geometric topology. In 1994, he proved the Soul Conjecture, and in 2003, he completed a proof of Thurston's Geometrization Conjecture. He retired from professional mathematics in 2006 and now lives in seclusion in Saint Petersburg.

References

Gupta, S. Grigori Perelman: The Genius in Hiding. Lady Shri Ram College for Women. Volume 5,3.https://lsr.edu.in/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/%C3%89clat-05-2013-14.pdf =9

Rice farming is the bedrock of unity and solidarity. What does rice farming region in Bhutan 🇧🇹 has to say?

Professor Thomas Talhelm from the University of Chicago Booth School of Business introduced an influential concept known as the ‘Rice Theory of Culture.’ This theory suggests that societies in East Asia that traditionally cultivated rice developed a higher degree of interdependence, which, in turn, gave rise to stricter social norms. His findings were published in the Journal of Online Readings in Psychology and Culture.

The study, conducted in China, revealed significant differences between rice growing and wheat growing regions. Survey data indicated that communities engaged in rice farming tend to have more rigid social norms. This is likely due to the intense cooperation required to construct and manage the irrigation systems essential for rice cultivation. Such societies also tend to experience lower crime rates, reduced substance abuse, and more accurate public timekeeping. However, they may also impose greater limitations on individual freedoms and show less openness toward immigrants. Additionally, rice farming has been linked to the way people structure social relationships. Rice growing communities often form more stable, long-term connections and exhibit lower social mobility.

In Bhutan, rice cultivation is a key component of agriculture, particularly in the western region. In the east, the village of Radhi in Trashigang Dzongkhag is famously known as the “Rice Bowl of the East.” Although Bhutan has not formally tested the Rice Theory of Culture, my observations suggest that rice-farming communities in the country also demonstrate strong social cohesion and deeply rooted communal values. Recent concerns over wetlands being left fallow pose a dual threat, not only to rice self-sufficiency but also to the preservation of cultural traditions of unity and mutual support that are closely tied to rice cultivation.

Acknowledgment- I would like to sincerely thank gentleman in the photo. The photo was taken in Paro.

References

Talhelm, T. (2022). The rice theory of culture. Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 4(1), 7. https://doi.org/10.9707/2307-0919.1172

ZenbLungten Dorjin Lungten Dorji

A Wild Orangutan’s Astonishing Use of Herbal Medicine.

An open access paper was published in the journal ‘Scientific Reports’ reporting a fascinating story of Orangutan doing active self medication. A research team led by Laumer observed a remarkable case of self-medication by a wild Sumatran orangutan (Pongo abelii) named Rakus in Indonesia. The orangutan was seen intentionally applying plant material to a wound, despite the plant being not a typical part of his diet. This discovery prompts a compelling question: how did Rakus recognize the plant’s medicinal value?

On June 22, 2022, the researchers noticed that Rakus had sustained a fresh injury to his right cheek fl**ge and the inside of his mouth, likely from a fight. Three days later, he began consuming the stems and leaves of a liana plant known as Fibraurea tinctoria. About thirteen minutes after he started eating the plant, Rakus began chewing the leaves without swallowing them and used his fingers to apply the plant juice from his mouth directly onto the wound. He repeated this behavior several times over the next few days. Monitoring of the injury showed no signs of infection. By June 30, the wound had visibly closed, and by July 19, it had fully healed, leaving behind only a faint scar. Throughout his recovery, Rakus also appeared to rest more than usual, which may have aided the healing process.

Fibraurea tinctoria is recognized in traditional medicine for its pain-relieving, fever-reducing, and diuretic effects. It is often used to treat ailments such as dysentery, diabetes, and malaria.

References

Laumer, I. B., Rahman, A., Rahmaeti, T., Azhari, U., Hermansyah, Atmoko, S. S. U., & Schuppli, C. (2024). Active self-treatment of a facial wound with a biologically active plant by a male Sumatran orangutan. Scientific Reports, 14(1), 8932. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-58988-7


Lungten Dorji

Photo credit- Georgina Rannard, BBC News.

Bhutan's forests stand the test of time: Eight decades of data reinforce our reputation as a conservation champion

The study by Reddy et al. (2016) published in the journal of Environmental Monitoring and Assessment examined Bhutan's forest landscape from 1930 to 2014. Using topographical maps and satellite remote sensing data, the researchers quantified the area under various land cover types. As of 2014, forests remained the dominant land cover in Bhutan, accounting for 68.3% of the country's total area.

The study found that subtropical broad-leaved hill forests covered the largest share of forest type (34.1%), followed by montane dry temperate (20.9%), montane wet temperate (18.9%), Himalayan moist temperate (10%), and tropical moist sal forest (8.1%). However, significant forest loss occurred between 1977 and 2014, particularly in subtropical broad-leaved hill forests (64.5 km²) and tropical moist sal forests (9.9 km²). Most of the deforested areas were converted to agricultural land, contributing to 60.9% of the forest loss from 1930 to 2014.

Although Bhutan experienced substantial deforestation between 1930 and 1977, no net forest loss has been recorded since 1995. This reflects the effectiveness of conservation measures and forest policies in curbing deforestation, offering valuable climate change mitigation benefits.

References

Reddy, C. S., Satish, K. V., Jha, C. S., Diwakar, P. G., Murthy, Y. K., & Dadhwal, V. K. (2016). Development of deforestation and land cover database for Bhutan (1930–2014). Environmental Monitoring and Assessment, 188, 1-12.

Chhudzom Gewog (formerly known as Dovan) is the remotest settlement in Sarpang along the tributaries of the infamous Maokhola River. Locals often identify their villages not by official names but by the names of nearby tributaries, a reflection of the fact that most settlements are located along these riverbanks. The gewog boasts a rich cultural heritage, and the local way of life is deeply rooted in long-standing traditions.

Situated at a high altitude, it is perhaps the only gewog in Sarpang where rhododendrons are found. In winter, following the bountiful harvest of cardamom, locals unwind the day by drinking a green colored whisky known by the brand name Sofi (spelling uncertain). Often carried in backpacks, the drink is affectionately referred to as Saag Ko Joel, meaning “extract of spinach” because of its green hue. Some even take deliberate breaks while hiking uphill, using it as an excuse to enjoy a sip of Saag Ko Joel.

In 2021, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service (BBS) reported that many residents of Chhudzom wished to exchange their land for government plots due to the years of crop damage by wild animals and the ongoing threat of floods.